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| Richard Harwood | | That the CFR has been in control of the foreign policy of the United States for some time should now be beyond question. | |
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| Caryl Parker Haskins | | A society committed to the search for truth must give protection to, and set a high value upon, the independent and original mind, however angular, however rasping, however, socially unpleasant it may be; for it is upon such minds in large measure, that the effective search for truth depends. | |
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| Amira Hass | | Our job [journalism] is to monitor the centres of power. | |
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| William Havard | | The greatest Glory of a free-born People, Is to transmit that Freedom to their Children. | |
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| Vaclav Havel | | I really do inhabit a system in which words are capable of shaking the entire structure of government, where words can probe mightier than ten military divisions. | |
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| Vaclav Havel | | If a single writer in a country is in chains, then there are some links of that chain that binds us all. | |
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| Vaclav Havel | | Lying can never save us from another lie. | |
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| Nathaniel Hawthorne | | No man, for any considerable period,
can wear one face to himself and another to the multitude,
without finally getting bewildered as to which one is true. | |
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| Ralph M. Hawtrey | | Banks lend by creating credit. They create the means of payment out of nothing. | |
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| John Hay | | The evils of tyranny are rarely seen but by him who resists it. | |
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| Robert Earl Hayden | | This freedom, this liberty, this beautiful and terrible thing, needful to man as air, usable as earth. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | What a free society offers to the individual is much more than what he would be able to do if only he were free. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | To be controlled in our economic pursuits means to be controlled in everything. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | [T]hose who are willing to surrender their freedom for security have always demanded that if they give up their full freedom it should also be taken from those not prepared to do so. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | It is always from a minority acting in ways different from what the majority would prescribe that the majority in the end learns to do better. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | When it becomes dominated by a collectivist creed, democracy will inevitably destroy itself. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | From the fact that people are very different it follows that, if we treat them equally, the result must be inequality in their actual position, and that the only way to place them in an equal position would be to treat them differently. Equality before the law and material equality are therefore not only different but are in conflict with each other; and we can achieve either one or the other, but not both at the same time. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | We shall not grow wiser before we learn that much that we have done was very foolish. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | It is indeed probable that more harm and misery have been caused by men determined to use coercion to stamp out a moral evil than by men intent on doing evil. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The successful politician owes his power to the fact that he moves within the accepted framework of thought, that he thinks and talks conventionally. It would be almost a contradiction in terms for a politician to be a leader in the field of ideas. His task in a democracy is to find out what the opinions held by the largest number are, not to give currency to new opinions which may become the majority view in some distant future. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Even more significant of the inherent weakness of the collectivist theories is the extraordinary paradox that from the assertion that society is in some sense more than merely the aggregate of all individuals their adherents regularly pass by a sort of intellectual somersault to the thesis that in order that the coherence of this larger entity be safeguarded it must be subjected to conscious control, that is, to the control of what in the last resort must be an individual mind. It thus comes about that in practice it is regularly the theoretical collectivist who extols individual reason and demands that all forces of society be made subject to the direction of a single mastermind, while it is the individualist who recognizes the limitations of the powers of individual reason and consequently advocates freedom as a means for the fullest development of the powers of the interindividual process. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Capitalism is not only a better form of organizing human activity than any deliberate design, any attempt to organize it to satisfy particular preferences, to aim at what people regard as beautiful or pleasant order, but it is also the indispensable condition for just keeping that population alive which exists already in the world. I regard the preservation of what is known as the capitalist system, of the system of free markets and the private ownership of the means of production, as an essential condition of the very survival of mankind. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The greatest danger to liberty today comes from the men who are most needed and most powerful in modern government, namely, the efficient expert administrators exclusively concerned with what they regard as the public good. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Perhaps the fact that we have seen millions voting themselves into complete dependence on a tyrant has made our generation understand that to choose one's government is not necessarily to secure freedom. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | From the saintly and single-minded idealist to the fanatic is often but a step. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | But after war [WW II] broke out I felt that this widespread misunderstanding of the political systems of our enemies, and soon also our new ally, Russia, constituted a serious danger which had to be met by a more systematic effort. Also, it was already fairly obvious that England herself was likely to experiment after the war with the same kind of policies which I was convinced had contributed so much to destroy liberty elsewhere. ... Opinion moves fast in the United States, and even now it is difficult to remember how comparatively short a time it was before The Road to Serfdom appeared that the most extreme kind of economic planning had been seriously advocated and the model of Russia held up for imitation by men who were soon to play an important role in public affairs. ... Be it enough to mention that in 1934 the newly established National Planning Board devoted a good deal of attention to the example of planning provided by these four countries: Germany, Italy, Russia, and Japan. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | It used to be the boast of free men that, so long as they kept within the bounds of the known law, there was no need to ask anybody's permission or to obey anybody's orders. It is doubtful whether any of us can make this claim today. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | From the fact that people are very different it follows that, if we treat them equally, the result must be inequality in their actual position, and that the only way to place them in an equal position would be to treat them differently. Equality before the law and material equality are therefore not only different but are in conflict with each other; and we can achieve either one or the other, but not both at the same time. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Compared with the totality of knowledge which is continually utilized in the evolution of a dynamic civilization, the difference between the knowledge that the wisest and that which the most ignorant individual can deliberately employ is comparatively insignificant. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The argument for liberty is not an argument against organization, which is one of the most powerful tools human reason can employ, but an argument against all exclusive, privileged, monopolistic organization, against the use of coercion to prevent others from doing better. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | ...the case for individual freedom rests largely on the recognition of the inevitable and universal ignorance of all of us concerning a great many of the factors on which the achievements of our ends and welfare depend. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | It is largely because civilization enables us constantly to profit from knowledge which we individually do not possess and because each individual's use of his particular knowledge may serve to assist others unknown to him in achieving their ends that men as members of civilized society can pursue their individual ends so much more successfully than they could alone. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | There can be no doubt that besides the regular types of the circulating medium, such as coin, notes and bank deposits, which are generally recognised to be money or currency, and the quantity of which is regulated by some central authority or can at least be imagined to be so regulated, there exist still other forms of media of exchange which occasionally or permanently do the service of money. Now while for certain practical purposes we are accustomed to distinguish these forms of media of exchange from money proper as being mere substitutes for money, it is clear that, other things equal, any increase or decrease of these money substitutes will have exactly the same effects as an increase or decrease of the quantity of money proper, and should therefore, for the purposes of theoretical analysis, be counted as money. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | [The] impersonal process of the market ... can be neither just nor unjust, because the results are not intended or foreseen. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Many of the greatest things man has achieved are not the result of consciously directed thought, and still less the product of a deliberately coordinated effort of many individuals, but of a process in which the individual plays a part which he can never fully understand. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The system of private property is the most important guaranty of freedom, not only for those who own property, but scarcely less for those who do not. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Unlike the rationalism of the French Revolution, true liberalism has no quarrel
with religion, and I can only deplore the militant and essentially illiberal antireligionism
which animated so much of nineteenth-century Continental liberalism. ...
What distinguishes the liberal from the conservative here is that, however profound his own
spiritual beliefs, he will never regard himself as entitled to impose them on others and
that for him the spiritual and the temporal are different spheres which ought not to be
confused. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | [T]he power which a multiple millionaire, who may be my neighbor and perhaps my employer, has over me is very much less than that which the smallest fonctionaire possesses who wields the coercive power of the state and on whose discretion it depends whether and how I am to be allowed to live or to work? And who will deny that a world in which the wealthy are powerful is still a better world than one in which only the already powerful can acquire wealth? | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | With the exception only of the period of the gold standard, practically all governments of history have used their exclusive power to issue money to defraud and plunder the people. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | [I]t is not the source but the limitation of power which prevents it from being arbitrary. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Ever since the beginning of modern science, the best minds have recognized that "the range of acknowledged ignorance will grow with the advance of science." Unfortunately, the popular effect of this scientific advance has been a belief, seemingly shared by many scientists, that the range of our ignorance is steadily diminishing and that we can therefore aim at more comprehensive and deliberate control of all human activities. It is for this reason that those intoxicated by the advance of knowledge so often become the enemies of freedom. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The history of government management of money has, except for a few short happy periods, been one of incessant fraud and deception. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Human reason can neither predict nor deliberately shape its own future. Its advances consist in finding out where it has been wrong. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The ultimate decision about what is accepted as right and wrong will be made not by individual human wisdom but by the disappearance of the groups that have adhered to the "wrong" beliefs. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | I am certain that nothing has done so much to destroy the juridical safeguards of individual freedom as the striving after this mirage of social justice. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Unlike liberalism, with its fundamental belief in the long-range power of ideas,
conservatism is bound by the stock of ideas inherited at a given time. And since it does
not really believe in the power of argument, its last resort is generally a claim to superior
wisdom, based on some self-arrogated superior quality. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | It is only because the majority opinion will always be opposed by some that our knowledge and understanding progress. In the process by which opinion is formed, it is very probable that, by the time any view becomes a majority view, it is no longer the best view: somebody will already have advanced beyond the point which the majority have reached. It is because we do not yet know which of the many competing new opinions will prove itself the best that we wait until it has gained sufficient support. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The principle that the end justifies the means is in individualist ethics regarded as the denial of all morals. In collectivist ethics it becomes necessarily the supreme rule. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The curious task of economics is to demonstrate to men how little they really know about what they imagine they can design. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Justice, like liberty and coercion, is a concept which, for the sake of clarity, ought to be confined to the deliberate treatment of men by other men. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Is there a greater tragedy imaginable than that, in our endeavour consciously to shape our future in accordance with high ideals, we should in fact unwittingly produce the very opposite of what we have been striving for? | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | By giving the government unlimited powers, the most arbitrary rule can be made legal; and in this way a democracy may set up the most complete despotism imaginable. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | To combat depression by a forced credit expansion is to attempt to cure the evil by the very means which brought it about; because we are suffering from a misdirection of production, we want to create further misdirection -- a procedure which can only lead to a much more severe crisis as soon as the credit expansion comes to an end. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The [classical] liberal, of course, does not deny that there are some superior people -- he is not an egalitarian -- but he denies that anyone has authority to decide who these superior people are. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | A society that does not recognize that each individual has values of his own which he is entitled to follow can have no respect for the dignity of the individual and cannot really know freedom. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | In the United States, where it has become almost impossible to use "liberal" in the sense in which I have used it, the term "libertarian" has been used instead. It may be the
answer; but for my part I find it singularly unattractive. For my taste it carries too much
the flavor of a manufactured term and of a substitute. What I should want is a word which
describes the party of life, the party that favors free growth and spontaneous evolution.
But I have racked my brain unsuccessfully to find a descriptive term which commends
itself. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | To create conditions in which competition will be as effective as possible, to prevent fraud and deception, to break up monopolies -- these tasks provide a wide and unquestioned field for state activity. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | All political theories assume, of course, that most individuals are very ignorant. Those who plead for liberty differ from the rest in that they include among the ignorant themselves as well as the wisest. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | The greatest danger to liberty today comes from the men who are most needed and most powerful in modern government, namely, the efficient expert administrators exclusively concerned with what they regard as the public good. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | Many who think themselves infinitely superior to the aberrations of Nazism, and sincerely hate all manifestations, work at the same time for ideals whose realization would lead straight to the abhorred tyranny. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | ...if we wish to preserve a free society, it is essential that we recognize that the desirability of a particular object is not sufficient justification for the use of coercion. | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | There is perhaps no single factor contributing so much to people's frequent reluctance to let the market work as their
inability to conceive how some necessary balance, between demand and supply, between
exports and imports, or the like, will be brought about without deliberate control. The
conservative feels safe and content only if he is assured that some higher wisdom watches
and supervises change, only if he knows that some authority is charged with keeping the
change "orderly." | |
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| Friedrich August von Hayek | | There is all the difference in the world between treating people equally and attempting to make them equal. | |
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| Paul Hayes | | The authority of local government was similarly attacked. The not inconsiderable power of the Länder disappeared as a result of the decree of 28 February [1933] and the manipulated elections which followed. Control of the police passed into the hands of the NSDAP. ... Local elections were abolished and Reich Administrators ... were appointed to rule in place of the locally elected heads of government. On 30 January 1934 all local assemblies were abolished, and states were made totally subservient to central rule. | |
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| Justice Frank Cruise Haymond | | Unlike ordinary legislation, a constitution is enacted by the people themselves in their sovereign capacity and is therefore the paramount law. | |
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| Robert Y. Hayne | | There have existed, in every age and every country, two distinct orders of men – the lovers of freedom and the devoted advocates of power. | |
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| Samuel P. Hays | | The root of the evil... lay not in corruption but in the system which bred it, the alliance between industrialists and politicians which produced benefits in the form of tariffs, public lands, and federal subsidies. | |
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| John Hayward | | If you really want to compete with Russia and China to prevent the 21st Century from being dominated by a new axis of evil, you must first defeat the Church of Global Warming. As long as that’s the official state religion of the Western world, we haven’t got a prayer. | |
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| Steven F. Hayward | | Causes that live by politics, die by politics. | |
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| Henry Hazlitt | | The monetary managers are fond of telling us that they have substituted 'responsible money management' for the gold standard. But there is no historic record of responsible paper money management ... The record taken as a whole is one of hyperinflation, devaluation and monetary chaos. | |
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| Henry Hazlitt | | The whole gospel of Karl Marx can be summed up in a single sentence: Hate the man who is better off than you are. Never under any circumstances admit that his success may be due to his own efforts, to the productive contribution he has made to the whole community. Always attribute his success to the exploitation, the cheating, the more or less open robbery of others. Never under any circumstances admit that your own failure may be owing to your own weakness, or that the failure of anyone else may be due to his own defects - his laziness, incompetence, improvidence, or stupidity. | |
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| William Hazlitt | | The love of liberty is the love of others; the love of power is the love of ourselves. | |
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| William Hazlitt | | The only vice
that can not be forgiven
is hypocrisy. | |
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| William Hazlitt | | Prejudice is the child of ignorance. | |
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| William Hazlitt | | The most fluent talkers or the most plausible reasoners are not always the justest thinkers. | |