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| Andrew Jackson | | The bold effort the present (central) bank had made to control the government ... are but premonitions of the fate that await the American people should they be deluded into a perpetuation of this institution or the establishment of another like it. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | From the earliest ages of history to the present day there have never been thirteen millions of people associated in one political body who enjoyed so much freedom and happiness as the people of these United States. You have no longer any cause to fear dangers from abroad ... It is from within, among yourselves - from cupidity, from corruption, from disappointed ambition and inordinate thirst for power - that factions will be formed and liberty endangered ... | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | I am one of those who do not believe that a national debt is a national blessing, but rather a curse to a republic; inasmuch as it is calculated to raise around the administration a moneyed aristocracy dangerous to the liberties of the country. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | The Bible is the rock on which our Republic rests. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | It is apparent from the whole context of the Constitution as well as the history of the times which gave birth to it, that it was the purpose of the Convention to establish a currency consisting of the precious metals. These were adopted by a permanent rule excluding the use of a perishable medium of exchange, such as certain agricultural commodities recognized by the statutes of some States as tender for debts, or the still more pernicious expedient of paper currency. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | But you must remember, my fellow-citizens, that eternal vigilance by the people is the price of liberty, and that you must pay the price if you wish to secure the blessing. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | You are a den of vipers and thieves. I intend to rout you out, and by the grace of the Eternal God, will rout you out. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | Every man is equally entitled to protection by law; but when the laws undertake to add… artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society -- the farmers, mechanics, and laborers -- who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their government. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | The brave man inattentive to his duty, is worth little more to his country than the coward who deserts her in the hour of danger. | |
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| Andrew Jackson | | Gentlemen, I have had men watching you for a long time and I am convinced that you have used the funds of the bank to speculate in the breadstuffs of the country. When you won, you divided the profits amongst you, and when you lost, you charged it to the bank. You tell me that if I take the deposits from the bank and annul its charter, I shall ruin ten thousand families. That may be true, gentlemen, but that is your sin! Should I let you go on, you will ruin fifty thousand families, and that would be my sin! You are a den of vipers and thieves. | |
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| Rev. Jesse Jackson | | America is not like a blanket - one piece of unbroken cloth. America is more like a quilt - many patches, many pieces, many colors, many sizes, all woven together by a common thread. | |
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| Rev. Jesse Jackson | | No one should negotiate their dreams. Dreams must be free to flee and fly high. No government, no legislature, has a right to limit your dreams. You should never agree to surrender your dreams. | |
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| Joseph Henry Jackson | | Did you ever hear anyone say, “That work had better be banned because I might read it and it might be very damaging to me.” | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The priceless heritage of our society is the
unrestricted constitutional right of each member to think
as he will. Thought control is a copyright of totalitarianism,
and we have no claim to it. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | We are not final because we are infallible, but infallible only because we are final. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The price of freedom of religion, or of speech, or of the press, is that we must put up with, and even pay for, a good deal of rubbish. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | I cannot say that our country could have no secret police without becoming totalitarian, but I can say with great conviction that it cannot become totalitarian without a centralized national police. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The most odious of all oppressions are those which mask as justice. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The choice is not between order and liberty. It is between liberty with order and anarchy without either. There is danger that, if the court does not temper its doctrinaire logic with a little practical wisdom, it will convert the constitutional Bill of Rights into a suicide pact. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | If there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | Particularly when the war power is invoked to do things to the liberties of people, or to their property or economy that only indirectly affect conduct of the war and do not relate to the engagement of the war itself, the constitutional basis should be scrutinized with care. ... I would not be willing to hold that war powers may be indefinitely prolonged merely by keeping legally alive a state of war that had in fact ended. I cannot accept the argument that war powers last as long as the effects and consequences of war for if so they are permanent -- as permanent as the war debts. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | Our forefathers found the evils of free thinking more to be endured than the evils of inquest or suppression. This is because thoughtful, bold and independent minds are essential to the wise and considered self-government. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | We must make clear to the Germans that the wrong for which their fallen leaders are on trial is not that they lost the war, but that they started it...No grievances or policies will justify resort to aggressive war. It is utterly renounced and condemned as an instrument of policy. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | Civil government cannot let any group ride roughshod over others simply because their consciences tell them to do so. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | Freedom to differ is not limited to things that do not matter much. That would be a mere shadow of freedom. The test of its substance is the right to differ as to things that touch the heart of the existing order. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The day that this country ceases to be free for irreligion, it will cease to be free for religion. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | Those who begin coercive elimination of dissent soon find themselves exterminating dissenters. Compulsory unification of opinion achieves only a unanimity at the graveyard. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | It is not the function of the government to keep the citizen from falling into error; it is the function of the citizen to keep the government from falling into error. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | There is no such thing as an achieved liberty: like electricity, there can be no substantial storage and it must be generated as it is enjoyed, or the lights go out. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | The very purpose of a Bill of Rights was to withdraw certain subjects from the vicissitudes of political controversy, to place them beyond the reach of majorities and officials and to establish them as legal principles to be applied by the courts. One's right to life, liberty, and property, to free speech, a free press, freedom of worship and assembly, and other fundamental rights may not be submitted to vote; they depend on the outcome of no elections. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | In our country are evangelists and zealots of many different political, economic and religious persuasions whose fanatical conviction is that all thought is divinely classified into two kinds -- that which is their own and that which is false and dangerous. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | If the prosecutor is obliged to choose his case, it follows that he can choose his defendants. Therein is the most dangerous power of the prosecutor: that he will pick people he thinks he should get, rather than cases that need to be prosecuted. With the law books filled with a great assortment of crimes, a prosecutor stands a fair chance of finding at least a technical violation of some act on the part of almost anyone. In such a case, it is not a question of discovering the commission of a crime and then looking for the man who has committed it, it is a question of picking the man and then searching the law books, or putting investigators to work, to pin some offense on him. It is in this realm -- in which the prosecutor picks some person whom he dislikes or desires to embarrass, or selects some group of unpopular persons and then looks for an offense, that the greatest danger of abuse of prosecuting power lies. It is here that law enforcement becomes personal, and the real crime becomes that of being unpopular with the predominant or governing group, being attached to the wrong political views, or being personally obnoxious to or in the way of the prosecutor himself. | |
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| Justice Robert H. Jackson | | [T]he arguments that have been addressed to us lead me to utter more explicit misgivings about war powers than the Court has done. The Government asserts no constitutional basis for this legislation other than this vague, undefined and undefinable 'war power.' No one will question that this power is the most dangerous one to free government in the whole catalogue of powers. It is usually invoked in haste and excitement, when calm legislative consideration of constitutional limitation is difficult. It is executed in a time of patriotic fervor that makes moderation unpopular. And, worst of all, it is interpreted by judges under the influence of the same passions and pressures. Always, as in this case, the Government urges hasty decision to forestall some emergency or serve some purpose and pleads that paralysis will result if its claims to power are denied or their confirmation delayed. | |
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| Thomas J. Jackson | | The patriot volunteer, fighting for country and his rights, makes the most reliable soldier on earth. | |
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| Jeff Jacoby | | The First Amendment says nothing about a right not to be offended.
The risk of finding someone else's speech offensive
is the price each of us pays for our own free speech.
Free people don't run to court -- or to the principal --
when they encounter a message they don't like.
They answer it with one of their own. | |
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| Russell Jacoby | | The radicals...want speech regulated by codes that proscribe certain language. They see free speech as at best a delusion, at worst a threat to the welfare of minorities and women....The most obvious (and cynical) explanation for the switched positions is the switched situations. Protesting students became established professors and administrators. For outsiders, free speech is bread and butter; for insiders, indigestion. To the new academics, unregulated free speech spells trouble. | |
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| Susan Jacoby | | Too many Americans have twisted the sensible right to pursue happiness into the delusion that we are entitled to a guarantee of happiness. If we don't get exactly what we want, we assume someone must be violating our rights. We're no longer willing to write off some of life's disappointments to simple bad luck. | |
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| Cyril James | | A free man is as jealous of his responsibilities as he is of his liberties. | |
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| Dresden James | | When a well-packaged web of lies has been sold gradually to the masses over generations, the truth will seem utterly preposterous and its speaker a raving lunatic. | |
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| Helmuth James | | A war, even the most successfull one, is a national misfortune. | |
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| Helmuth James | | Since National Socialism came to power, I have striven to make its consequences milder for its victims and to prepare the way for a change. In that, my conscience drove me -- and in the end, that is a man's duty. | |
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| Helmuth James | | Today, not a numerous, but an active part of the German people are beginning to realize, not that they have been led astray, not that bad times await them, not that the war may end in defeat, but that what is happening is sin and that they are personally responsible for each terrible deed that has been committed -- naturally, not in the earthly sense, but as Christians. | |
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| William James | | The instinct of ownership is fundamental in man's nature. | |
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| William James | | The first thing to learn in intercourse with others is non-interference with their own particular ways of being happy, provided those ways do not assume to interfere by violence with ours. | |
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| William James | | There's nothing so absurd that if you repeat it often enough, people will believe it. | |
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| William James | | The greatest discovery of any generation is that a living soul can alter his life by altering his attitude. | |
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| Dr. Morris Janowitz | | Television has allowed us to create a common culture, and without it we would not have been able to accomplish our goal. | |
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| Japanese Proverb | | If you believe everything you read, you better not read. | |
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| Japanese Proverb | | The reputation of a thousand years may be determined by the conduct of one hour. | |
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| John Jay | | The jury has the right to judge both the law as well as the fact in controversy. | |
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| John Jay | | The people are Sovereign. ... at the Revolution, the sovereignty devolved on the people; and they are truly the sovereigns of the country, but they are sovereigns without subjects... with none to govern but themselves; the citizens of America are equal as fellow citizens, and as joint tenants in the sovereignty. | |
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| John Jay | | Those who own the country ought to govern it. | |
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| John Jay | | The Jury has a right to judge both the law as well as the fact in controversy. | |
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| John Jay | | Providence has given our people the choice of their rulers, and it is the duty, as well as privilege and interest, of a Christian nation to select and prefer Christians for their rulers. | |
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| John Jay | | The people who own the country ought to govern it. | |
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| Julian Jaynes | | History does not move by leaps into unrelated novelty, but rather by the selective emphasis of aspects of its own immediate past. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | Choice by the people themselves is not generally distinguished for its wisdom. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | The spirit of resistance to government is so valuable on certain occasions, that I wish it to be always kept alive. It will often be exercised when wrong, but better so than not to be exercised at all. I like a little rebellion now and then. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | I have often thought that nothing would do more extensive good at small expense than the establishment of a small circulating library in every county, to consist of a few well-chosen books, to be lent to the people of the country under regulations as would secure their safe return in due time. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | Government can do something for the people only in proportion as it can do something to the people. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson (False) | | The democracy will cease to exist when you take away from those who are willing to work and give to those who would not. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | We are all doubtless bound to contribute a certain portion of our income to the support of charitable and other useful public institutions. But it is a part of our duty also to apply our contributions in the most effectual way we can to secure this object. The question then is whether this will not be better done by each of us appropriating our whole contribution to the institutions within our reach, under our own eye, and over which we can exercise some useful control? Or would it be better that each should divide the sum he can spare among all the institutions of his State or the United States? Reason and the interest of these institutions themselves, certainly decide in favor of the former practice. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | [The People] are the ultimate, guardians of their own liberty. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | The general [federal] government will tend to monarchy, which will fortify itself from day to day, instead of working its own cures. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | There is no act, however virtuous, for which ingenuity may not find some bad motive. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | The man who reads nothing at all is better educated than the man who reads nothing but newspapers. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | When the government fears the people there is liberty; when the people fear the government there is tyranny. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | The price of freedom is eternal vigilance. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | But with respect to future debt; would it not be wise and just for that nation to declare in the constitution they are forming that neither the legislature, nor the nation itself can validly contract more debt, than they may pay within their own age, or within the term of 19 years. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | The whole art of government consists in the art of being honest. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | We shall have our follies without doubt. Some one or more of them will always be afloat. But ours will be the follies of enthusiasm, not of bigotry, not of Jesuitism. Bigotry is the disease of ignorance, of morbid minds; enthusiasm of the free and buoyant. Education and free discussion are the antidotes of both. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | We have the greatest opportunity the world has ever seen, as long as we remain honest -- which will be as long as we can keep the attention of our people alive. If they once become inattentive to public affairs, you and I, and Congress and Assemblies, judges and governors would all become wolves. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | I tolerate with utmost latitude the right of others to differ with me in opinion without imputing to them criminality. I know too well all the weaknesses and uncertainty of human reason to wonder at its different results. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | I hold it, that a little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, and as necessary in the political world as storms in the physical. Unsuccessful rebellions, indeed, generally establish the encroachments on the rights of the people, which produced them. An observation of this truth should render honest republican governors so mild in their punishment of rebellions as not to discourage them too much. It is a medicine necessary for the sound health of government. | |
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| Thomas Jefferson | | A wise and frugal Government, which shall restrain men from injuring one another, shall leave them otherwise free to regulate their own pursuits of industry and improvement. | |