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| Thomas Neill | | Of those who say nothing, few are silent. | |
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| Harriet Nelson | | Forgive all who have offended you, not for them, but for yourself. | |
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| Mark Nestmann | | Gold is still the ultimate store of wealth. It's the world's only true money. And there isn't much of it to go around. All of it ever mined would fit into a small building - a 56 foot cube. The annual world production would fit into a 14 foot cube, roughly the size of an ordinary living room. If each Chinese citizen were to buy just one ounce, it would take up the annual supply for the next 200 years. | |
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| New Mexico Constitution | | No law shall abridge the right of the citizen to keep and bear arms for security and defense of themselves, their families, their property and the state. | |
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| New Mexico Court of Appeals | | It is our opinion that an ordinance may not deny the people the constitutionally guaranteed right to bear arms, and to that extent the ordinance under consideration is void. | |
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| New York Times | | If the New World Order agenda is not realized by the terrorist attacks on America and if Americans don’t agree to give up their weapons and relinquish their sovereignty to the New World Order, the next attack will be the use of chemical, biological and/or atomic warfare against the American people. The architects of the New World Order will not hesitate to use as a last resort an atomic or hydrogen bomb in a major American city. | |
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| New York Times | | [The Income Tax is] a vicious, inequitable, unpopular, impolitic and socialist act. | |
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| Alfred E. Newman | | Crime does not pay...as well as politics. | |
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| Craig Newmark | | I have a great deal of sympathy for people who run the printing presses. They are screwed. | |
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| Gavin Newsom | | ... absolutely we see this as an opportunity to reshape the way we do business and how we govern. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | We were trying to increase the conflict that was already happening... we felt that we would take the conflict to so high a level that some change had to come. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | Black Power is giving power to people who have not had power to determine their destiny. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | The revolution has always been in the hands of the young.
The young always inherit the revolution. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | Before 1776 America was a British colony. The British Government had certain laws and rules that the colonized Americans rejected as not being in their best interests. In spite of the British conviction that Americans had no right to establish their own laws to promote the general welfare of the people living here in America, the colonized immigrant felt he had no choice but to raise the gun to defend his welfare. Simultaneously he made certain laws to ensure his protection from external and internal aggressions, from other governments, and his own agencies. One such form of protection was the Declaration of Independence, which states: '... whenever any government becomes destructive to these ends, it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to institute a new government, laying its foundations on such principles and organizing its powers in such forms as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.' Now these same colonized White people, these bondsmen, paupers, and thieves deny the colonized Black man not only the right to abolish this oppressive system, but to even speak of abolishing it. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | Sometimes if you want to get rid of the gun, you have to pick the gun up. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | You can jail a Revolutionary, but you can't jail the Revolution. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | I do not expect the white media to create positive black male images. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | There's no reason for the establishment to fear me. But it has every right to fear the people collectively -- I am one with the people. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | I think what motivates people is not great hate,
but great love for other people. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | I expected to die. At no time before the trial did I expect to escape with my life.
Yet being executed in the gas chamber did not necessarily mean defeat.
It could be one more step to bring the community to a higher level of consciousness. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | If you stop struggling, then you stop life. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | We felt that the police needed a label, a label other than that fear image that they carried in the community. So we used the pig as the rather low-lifed animal in order to identify the police. And it worked. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | We have two evils to fight, capitalism and racism.
We must destroy both racism and capitalism. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | Off the Pigs! | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | The first lesson a revolutionary must learn is that he is a doomed man.
Unless he understands this, he does not grasp the essential meaning of his life. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | There will be no prison which can hold our movement down...
The walls, the bars, the guns and the guards
can never encircle or hold down the idea of the people. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | I have the people behind me and the people are my strength. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | The imperialistic or capitalistic system occupies areas.
It occupies Vietnam now. They occupy them by sending soldiers there, by sending policeman there.
The policemen or soldiers are only a gun in the establishments hand.
They make the racist secure in his racism.
The gun in the establishment's hand makes the establishment secure in its exploitation. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | Any unarmed people are slaves, or are subject to slavery at any given moment. If the guns are taken out of the hands of the people and only the pigs have guns, then it's off to the concentration camps, the gas chambers, or whatever the fascists in America come up with. One of the democratic rights of the United States, the Second Amendment to the Constitution, gives the people the right to bear arms. However, there is a greater right; the right of human dignity that gives all men the right to defend themselves. | |
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| Huey P. Newton | | My fear was not of death itself, but a death without meaning. I wanted my death to be something the people could relate to, a basis for further mobilization of the community. | |
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| Sir Isaac Newton | | If I have seen further, it is by standing on the shoulders of Giants. | |
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| Issac Newton | | I can calculate the motions of heavenly bodies, but not the madness of people. | |
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| David A. Nichols | | As a first-time drug law offender, I was sentenced to 27 non-parolable years in prison. The amount of time was based on liquid waste found in the garage and unprocessed chemicals. There were no drugs. | |
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| Reinhold Niebuhr | | Man’s capacity for justice makes democracy possible, but man’s inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary. | |
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| Reinhold Niebuhr | | Toleration of people who differ in convictions and habits requires a residual awareness of the complexity of truth and the possibility of opposing view having some light on one or the other facet of a many-sided truth. | |
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| Reverend Martin Niemoeller | | Ask the first man you meet what he means by defending freedom, and he'll tell you privately he means defending the standard of living. | |
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| Reverend Martin Niemoeller | | In Germany, the Nazis first came for the communists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a communist.
Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew.
Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a trade unionist.
Then they came for the Catholics, but I didn't speak up because I was a protestant.
Then they came for me, and by that time there was no one left to speak for me. | |
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| Reverend Martin Niemoeller | | When the Nazis came for the communists,
I remained silent;
I was not a communist.
When they locked up the social democrats,
I remained silent;
I was not a social democrat.
When they came for the trade unionists,
I did not speak out;
I was not a trade unionist.
When they came for me,
there was no one left to speak out. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Freedom is the will to be responsible to ourselves. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | In Christianity neither morality nor religion come into contact with reality at any point. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Beggars should be abolished. It annoys one to give to them, and it annoys one not to give to them. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Then what is freedom? It is the will to be responsible to ourselves. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | What is the task of higher education? To make a man into a machine. What are the means employed? He is taught how to suffer being bored. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Madness is rare in individuals, but in groups, parties, nations, and ages it is the rule. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Morality is the best of all devices for leading mankind by the nose. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | If you have a strong enough why you can bear almost any how. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | People demand freedom only when they have no power. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Belief means not wanting to know what is true. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Socialism is the phantastic younger brother of despotism, which it wants to inherit. Socialism wants to have the fullness of state force which before only existed in despotism. ... However, it goes further than anything in the past because it aims at the formal destruction of the individual … who … can be used to improve communities by an expedient organ of government. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Distrust everyone in whom the impulse to punish is powerful. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Socialism is the phantastic younger brother of despotism, which it wants to inherit. Socialism wants to have the fullness of state force which before only existed in despotism. ... However, it goes further than anything in the past because it aims at the formal destruction of the individual ... who ... can be used to improve communities by an expedient organ of government. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | The governments of the great States have two instruments for keeping the people dependent, in fear and obedience: a coarser, the army; and a more refined, the school. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Everything the State says is a lie, and everything it has it has stolen. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Even today a crude sort of persecution is all that is required to create an honorable name for any sect, no matter how indifferent in itself. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | The state is the coldest of all cold monsters. Coldly it lies, too; and this lie creeps from its mouth: `I, the state, am the people.'... Everything about it is false; it bites with stolen teeth. | |
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| Friedrich Nietzsche | | Socialism itself can hope to exist only for brief periods here and there, and then only through the exercise of the extremest terrorism. For this reason it is secretly preparing itself for rule through fear and is driving the word “justice” into the heads of the half-educated masses like a nail so as to rob them of their reason... and to create in them a good conscience for the evil game they are to play. | |
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| Chester W. Nimitz | | God grant me the courage not to give up what I think is right even though I think it is hopeless. | |
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| Swami Nirmalananda | | Our modern society is engaged in polishing and decorating the cage in which man is kept imprisoned. | |
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| Robert Nisbet | | There are…certain freedoms that are like circuses. Their very existence, so long as they are individual and enjoyed chiefly individually as by spectators, diverts men’s mind from the loss of other, more fundamental, social and economic and political rights. | |
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| Robert Nisbet | | What gives the new despotism its peculiar effectiveness is indeed its liaison with humanitarianism, but beyond this fact its capacity for entering into the smallest details of human life. | |
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| Robert Nisbet | | Very commonly in ages when civil rights of one kind are in evidence – those pertaining to freedom of speech and thought in, say, theater, press, and forum, with obscenity and libel laws correspondingly loosened – very real constrictions of individual liberty take place in other, more vital areas: political organization, voluntary association, property, and the right to hold jobs, for example. | |
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| Richard M. Nixon | | The Constitution supposes what the history of all governments demonstrates, that the executive is the branch of power most interested in war and most prone to it. It has accordingly with studied care, vested the question of war in the legislature. [If a president is successful in bypassing the Congress] it is evident that the people are cheated out of the best ingredients in the government, the safeguards of peace which is the greatest of their blessings. | |
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| Richard M. Nixon | | Sure there are dishonest men in local government. But there are dishonest men in national government too. | |
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| Richard M. Nixon | | If you think the United States has stood still, who built the largest shopping center in the world? | |
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| Richard M. Nixon | | It is necessary for me to establish a winner image. Therefore, I have to beat somebody. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | The superficial distinctions of Fascism, Bolshevism, Hitlerism, are the concern of journalists and publicists; the serious student sees in them only one root-idea of a complete conversion of social power into State power. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | Many now believe that with the rise of the totalitarian State the world has entered upon a new era of barbarism. It has not. The totalitarian State is only the State; the kind of thing it does is only what the State has always done with unfailing regularity, if it had the power to do it, wherever and whenever its own aggrandizement made that kind of thing expedient. Give any State like power hereafter, and put it in like circumstances, and it will do precisely the same kind of thing. The State will unfailingly aggrandize itself, if only it has the power, first at the expense of its own citizens, and then at the expense of anyone else in sight. It has always done so, and always will. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | Here is the Golden Rule of sound citizenship, the first and greatest lesson in the study of politics: You get the same order of criminality from any State to which you give power to exercise it; and whatever power you give the State to do things FOR you carries with it the equivalent power to do things TO you. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | [T]he State's criminality is nothing new and nothing to be wondered at. It began when the first predatory group of men clustered together and formed the State, and it will continue as long as the State exists in the world, because the State is fundamentally an anti-social institution, fundamentally criminal. The idea that the State originated to serve any kind of social purpose is completely unhistorical. It originated in conquest and confiscation -- that is to say, in crime. It originated for the purpose of maintaining the division of society into an owning-and-exploiting class and a propertyless dependent class -- that is, for a criminal purpose. No State known to history originated in any other manner, or for any other purpose. Like all predatory or parasitic institutions, its first instinct is that of self-preservation. All its enterprises are directed first towards preserving its own life, and, second, towards increasing its own power and enlarging the scope of its own activity. For the sake of this it will, and regularly does, commit any crime which circumstances make expedient. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | The superficial distinctions of Fascism, Bolshevism, Hitlerism, are the concern of journalists and publicists; the serious student sees in them only one root-idea of a complete conversion of social power into State power. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | It is interesting to observe that in the year 1935 the average individual's incurious attitude towards the phenomenon of the State is precisely what his attitude was toward the phenomenon of the Church in the year, say, 1500. ... it does not appear to have occurred to the Church-citizen of that day, any more than it occurs to the State-citizen of the present, to ask what sort of institution it was that claimed his allegiance. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | The primary reason for a tariff is that it enables the exploitation of the domestic consumer by a process indistinguishable from sheer robbery. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | It can not even be said that the State has ever shown any disposition to suppress crime, but only to safeguard its own monopoly of crime. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | The State, both in its genesis and by its primary intention, is purely anti-social. It is not based on the idea of natural rights, but on the idea that the individual has no rights except those that the State may provisionally grant him. It has always made justice costly and difficult of access, and has invariably held itself above justice and common morality whenever it could advantage itself by so doing. | |
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| Albert Jay Nock | | There are two methods, or means, and only two, whereby man's needs and desires can be satisfied. One is the production and exchange of wealth; this is the economic means. The other is the uncompensated appropriation of wealth produced by others; this is the political means. | |